Wednesday 31 January 2018

Obasanjo's coalition


A political movement proposed by former President Olusegun Obasanjo is launching this Wednesday at the Yar’Adua Centre, Abuja, Nigeria’s capital. Mr. Obasanjo suggested the formation of the movement in his recent critical special statement on President Muhammadu Buhari and his administration. The former president had argued in the statement that the ruling All Progressives Congress and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party were incapable of repositioning Nigeria, having lost the confidence of the electorate. Mr. Obasanjo is not present at the ongoing launch in Abuja, but two former PDP governors, Olagunsoye Oyinlola and Donald Duke, were in attendance. Mr. Oyinlola, a former governor of Osun State, said the movement is not yet a political party. If and when we come to an agreement that we must metaphose into a political party, then we will, Mr. Oyinlola said. “We’re not a political party, at least, for now,” he said. He acknowledged that for the movement to make electoral impact in the manner described by Mr. Obasanjo in his letter, its proponents would need to follow the Constitution and register it as a political party. “We recognise the facts that by the dictates of the Constitution, you can only contest on the platform of a political party,” said Mr. Oyinlola, who was the national secretary of the PDP before joining the APC in 2014 after his controversial removal from his position in the then-ruling party. Mr. Oyinlola also responded to critics who see the movement as an attempt to legitimise the legacy of Mr. Obasanjo who governed as a democratically elected president between 1999-2007. “To say that we are legitimising OBJ’s legacy is a bit off the mark,” he said. Mr. Oyinlola said the leaders of the movement are not necessarily eyeing political offices to benefit themselves, saying their aim is to help leave a better tomorrow for the younger generation. The leaders of the movement said Nigerians have been through a lot in the hands of the political elite and canvassed a fresh alternative for citizens by 2019.

WHAT THE PRESIDENT CHRIST APOSTOLIC CHURCH, PROF OLUSOJI AJAYI SAID ABOUT BUHARI


"I am not praising Buhari but nobody can say we have found billions in Buhari's account. Previous leaders have been wasteful. Before now a contract of N2m can go to N2bn without anybody asking questions. "They said by 2010, Nigeria will be among the first 20 economies I countered it that it was a mirage. If you tell me Nigeria in the next 10 years will rank among the best I will not counter it because our economy is being well managed. "The reason I would have wanted Buhari to continue in 2019 is to solidify and build on some structures he has laid so that if anybody is coming, on board, it would be difficult to destroy." Initially he said, "We have a President who does not believe in ostentatious lifestyle. He has no house in London, no house in Dubai. May God give Buhari a few more years and those to take over from him would build on it. There are still few people like Buhari." THE NATION SUNDAY JANUARY 28,2018

Tuesday 30 January 2018

ONYEMA TONY ISHIEKWENE


ONYEMA TONY ISHIEKWENE - OTI for SENATE 2019.
Born in Obiaruku in Ukwuani Local Government Area of Delta State, on December 28, 1963 Onyema Tony Ishiekwene, is a 1984 graduate of Finance of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. He proceeded to the United Kingdom where he bagged Post Graduate Diploma, PGD, in International Marketing & Finance in 1986 and he registered with the Chartered Institute of Management Accountants - the Gold Standard in World Class Accountancy Studies wherein he started his training at the former London Guildhall Polytechnic now London Metropolitan University. Ishiekwene had a stint at the Accountancy Tutors PLC., a private institution dedicated to the learning and teaching of Professional Accounting and passed out in 1991 with distinctions which ultimately qualified him as a World Class in Strategic Planning & Financial Management and that is the apex of Global World Class Professional Examination. That programme earned him Associate membership of the Institute in March 1995. He furthered his quest for academic excellence into the University of Greenwich, Eltham London SE9, for his PGCE (FE) in September 1997. Again, OTI had a stint in lecturing at Newham College of further Education where he taught Financial Accounting, IT Applications & Reports and Return to Intermediate AAT and Cost & Management Accounting to AAT Finalists- and simultaneously he taught at the Metropolitan College London at Kingsland Road, Hackney E8 on part - time basis teaching Cost & Management Accounting and Financial Management to CIMA and ACCA professional Accounting students. This great son of Anioma left teaching in 1998 as he returned to his primary calling - Professional Accounting taking up a job at Saint Michael and London Voluntary Service Council, London N7 both of which are Non Governmental Organisations, NGOs managing Charity Accounts. He later went into Commercial Accounting in a contract that lasted for one year with Europe, Middle East and Africa, EMA, Management Accountant at BRIVIC Plc. (An FTSE 250 FMCG- SOFT DRINK COMPANY) holding the position of Sales & Profit; Budget Analysis for markets in those three regions. Additionally, OTI worked as a Finance Manager for Oval House Theatre, a South London based Performing Arts & Education Centre between 2003 and 2013 where he performed his duties with clinical efficiency and professional aptitude. As a Financial Accounting wizard, OTI worked with the Amnesty International, at their International Secretariat in London WC1, as Financial Accountant- Fixed Assets and Payroll Administration between 2014 and 2015. When he wins as the Senator representing Delta North, OTI hopes to dedicate his victory to the GOOD PEOPLE OF ANIOMA Nation and to the memory of his late friend and school mate, Clement Ngbor Ojie, with whom he was involved in ghastly motor accident some years ago. While he survived by dint of the grace of God, his friend wasn't as lucky. On the crest of Anioma unity and accelerated development, OTI drives his campaign. STAND UP AND BE COUNTED AMONG POSITIVE CHANGE AGENTS Come. Emekume Vincent.

Monday 29 January 2018

Nigeria Inspector General of Police and Kano show of shame.


There is no doubt that Nigeria is gradually sliding into a police state going by the stomach-churning advice by the Kano State Commissioner of Police, Mr. Rabiu Yusuf, that a former state governor and current senator, Rabiu Kwankwaso, should shelve his scheduled January 30 visit to Kano, his home state. What is going on, for God’s sake, in Kano State? Why have the police, acting in tandem with the state governor, Abdullahi Ganduje, decided to declare Kwankwaso more or less a persona non grata in his own state? The police are trying to unconscionably abridge the freedom of movement and civil liberties of Kwankwaso. But as of the time of writing this piece, Kwankwaso had reportedly said the police cannot stop him from going to Kano to peacefully see his constituents. He is very right on that score. The former governor should not be left alone to fight this unconstitutionality. All well-meaning Nigerians must condemn the unsophisticated approach by the state to suppress Kwankwaso and upstage his seemingly robust political structure. Advising the former governor to suspend his planned visit to Kano is patently wrong. It offends the spirit of fair dealing. That piece of advice is bad news which has the potential of far-reaching implications for the polity. If the police gambit is allowed to succeed, the state governor can continue to influence or instigate the police commissioner to adopt the same strategy over and again to perpetually keep Kwankwaso away from the state. At the moment, there is tension in a vast majority of the states and the police commissioners in those states have not advised or barred representatives of the people or politicians from their states. Since it is an open secret that Kwankwaso, who gave President Muhammadu Buhari a good fight for the presidential ticket of the All Progressives Congress in the 2014 presidential primary, is nursing a presidential ambition in 2019, the strategy of the chief security officer of the state and the police commissioner might have been orchestrated to terribly hurt Kwankwaso’s political and logistical mobilisation that should naturally begin from his home state. But the government’s action to unnerve Kwankwaso, to say the least, is an affront on democratic ethos. Popular participation in democratic engagements should neither be under enemy control nor held hostage by a self-imposing police state as it is grotesquely manifesting in Kano. This official disposition is primordial, anachronistic and tendentious in its form, shape and texture as well as counter-productive to the democratic testimonial of the APC-controlled government. How sadly have the police become petty, partial and partisan of the ruling government such that a leader of the ruling party can be subjected to this kind of treatment? But the joke is on the police, the government and the APC: first, that they do not have the capacity or the temperament to accommodate seeming opposition from within their ranks; and, second, that they cannot ensure simple security for Kwankwaso, his supporters and public facilities. By the way, is Kwankwaso going to Kano to organise or lead a violent protest? Certainly not, except agents of the state decide to infiltrate the group of his supporters and try to precipitate violence from within in order to justify the preconceived advice by the police to keep him away; and, for as long as possible. If that is not the case, I do not see anything difficult in the police providing protection for Kwankwanso and the crowd of supporters that would welcome him to Kano. After all, the police have been giving protection to pro-government protest marches. Why have they considered Kwankwaso’s historic visit to Kano a difficult event to handle? If the fear expressed by the police commissioner as to the possibility of disgruntled elements hijacking the visit is real, then what that simply explicates is that the disgruntled elements would certainly not be from the camp or among the supporters of Kwankwaso but from the governor’s camp. It is not a secret that there is no love lost between the two leaders. It therefore will not cost the state government too much to sustain the grounds of “tensed atmosphere” to keep Kwankwaso away from the state. Apparently, Ganduje is gripped by a morbid fear occasioned by the popularity of his former boss and predecessor in office. Kwankwaso’s political structure in Kano is pervasive and solid. Ganduje’s deputy, Prof. Hafiz Abubakar, is a product of that structure. Following the cold war, Ganduje has reportedly sidelined Abubakar. The professor, according to media reports, has said he would dump Ganduje and return to the classroom at the Bayero University at the end of his first term in 2019. The governor is fast losing grips. But he has quickly done a few things in order to preserve his position: alignment with President Muhammadu Buhari in the calculations that he would be able to use that to clinch the party’s ticket and also re-election. He also enlisted in the group of seven governors that stormed Abuja while the 73 Nigerians massacred in Benue by Fulani herdsmen were being buried in Makurdi, to mollycoddle the President to run again for the Presidency in 2019. Clinching a second term in office may not be a smooth ride for Ganduje given the nature of Kano politics, which predisposes the people to most of the times diverge from mainstream parties that hold the levers of power in Abuja. Such unpredictable political tenacity to embrace opposition politics has, indeed, defined Kano as the archetypical hotbed of North-West politics. Kwankwaso himself was a victim in 2003 when he was denied re-election by the people who voted for Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau on the platform of the All Nigeria People’s Party instead. This is the historical example, nay reality that Ganduje will have to contend with. There is no doubt that Kwankwaso has become the real issue in Kano politics. As it is, even when he has not made any statements that could be construed to be critical of the APC-led Federal Government, the fear of his deft political moves has become the beginning of wisdom to the party leadership in the state. Why should they not fear Kwankwaso who, as governor, delivered about two million of Kano votes, even if somewhat controversial, to Buhari in the 2015 presidential election? But the way they are going about trying to tame him is certainly a crying aberration in a democracy.

Loyal Godsons and rebellious ones(kano case)


If things go according to plan, the streets of Kano City will be littered tomorrow with shredded campaign vests, rumpled campaign wrappers, trampled red caps, broken skulls and injured limps in an Apocalyptic clash between Kwankwasiyya and Gandujiyya, two factions of the ruling All Progressives Congress [APC] respectively loyal to former governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and current governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. Both factions are determined to go ahead with rallies provocatively fixed for the same day, same venue, same time and under the same party flag, supposedly in preparation for February 10 local government elections but actually as muscle flexing and test run for this year’s party primaries and next year’s general elections. Neither side wants to be the first to blink, since this is a contest of egos. The police are not helping matters with their warning to Kwankwasiyya to stay away. Police’s posture will only harden positions since Kwankwasiyya sees it as taking sides. While Kwankwaso keeps his distance from the State House, Ganduje performs almost every Friday prayer at State House and is prominent among the governors campaigning for President Buhari’s second term. By now Nigerians are used to seeing political godsons turn against their godfathers. Since 1999, every powerful Nigerian politician who anointed another person as a state governor or as president lived to regret it, with a few exceptions. I have counted nearly thirty Nigerian godfathers that were repudiated by their anointed godsons soon after they won elections. The most notorious case was in Anambra State in 2003 when Governor Chris Ngige was abducted by his godfather, Chris Ubah. Ngige had even been made to write a post-dated resignation letter in case he failed to toe the line. This experience did not stop Governor Willie Obiano from repudiating his godfather, former governor Peter Obi, as soon as he took over in 2014. In neighbouring Enugu State, Governor Chimaroke Nnamani anointed his chief of staff Sullivan Chime to succeed him in 2007 but the godson soon rebelled. In 2007 outgoing Abia State Governor Orji Uzor Kalu anointed two governors, Ikedi Ohakim in Imo and Theodore Orji in Abia. The latter was elected when he was cooling his heels in prison but both men quickly rebelled against Kanu. In Bayelsa State, the Jonathans kicked out Governor Timipre Sylva to make room for Seriake Dickson but by 2015 they were ready to kick out Dickson too. He was only saved because the Jonathans were kicked out before him. In Oyo State, godfather Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu had a nasty fight with his godson Governor Rashidi Ladoja, allegedly over the sharing of monthly security vote. Godfathers repudiating godsons is strictly pan-Nigerian. In Kwara State, Oloye Dr. Olusola Saraki became the most serially repudiated godfather in Nigerian politics. Between 1979 and 2003 he anointed five governors in Kwara. Four of them, Adamu Attah, Cornelius Adebayo, Shaba Lafiagi and Admiral Mohammed Lawal fell out with Oloye fairly quickly. The fifth, Oloye’s own son Dr. Bukola Saraki also fell out with him in 2010 over succession. In Kebbi State, Governor Sa’idu Dakingari spectacularly fell out with the man who anointed him, former governor Muhammed Adamu Aleiro. In Zamfara, Governor Mamuda Shinkafi quickly repudiated Alhaji Ahmed Sani, Yariman Bakura, who made Shinkafi the only deputy governor in Nigeria to become a governor in 2007. In Kaduna State, Governor Ahmed Makarfi anointed Mohammed Namadi Sambo to succeed him with only weeks to the election but the two men quickly fell apart. The same thing happened in Nasarawa State where Governor Aliyu Doma quickly fell out with his anointer, former governor Abdullahi Adamu. In Adamawa, Governor Murtala Nyako’s honeymoon with godfather Prof Jibril Aminu was very brief and in Gombe, Governor Ibrahim Dankwambo quickly turned against his godfather, former governor Mohammed Danjuma Goje. In Borno, the falling out between godfather Ali Modu Sheriff and godson Governor Kashim Shettima took a while to unfold. Not just governors but presidential godsons also rebelled. In 2007 departing President Olusegun Obasanjo personally handpicked Alhaji Umaru Yar’adua to succeed him and also picked Dr. Goodluck Jonathan as the deputy. Obasanjo then made himself chairman of PDP’s board of trustees and said that board would henceforth make national policy while the government implements it. As soon as Yar’adua was sworn in, he repudiated that arrangement and the godfather-godson fight began. When Jonathan succeeded Yar’adua he also fell out with the godfather. Thus, godfather-godson quarrel in Nigeria occurs at all levels of government, in all regions, in all tribes, in most states and in all seasons. To be sure, there were a few successful cases of anointment in Nigerian politics. The most successful godfather in Nigeria, the one who experienced the fewest rebellions in relation to the number of governors he anointed, is Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. Though he serially installed governors in Lagos, Oyo, Ondo, Osun, Ekiti and Ondo states, none rebelled openly, though there was underground friction with Babatunde Raji Fashola and Dr. Kayode Fayemi. Other successful godfather/godson cases were Vice President Atiku Abubakar/Governor Boni Haruna in Adamawa; Vice President Namadi Sambo and Governor Mukhtar Ramalan Yero in Kaduna; ex-governors James Ibori/Emmanuel Uduaghan in Delta; former governors Ibrahim Idris/Idris Wada in Kogi as well as Dr. Bukola Saraki/Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed in Kwara. Also quiet, so far, are Governor Aminu Tambuwal/former governor Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko in Sokoto; General T.Y. Danjuma and Governor Darius Ishaku in Taraba; and Comrade Adams Oshiomhole/Governor Andrew Obaseki in Edo. To that extent the political fallout between Kwankwaso and Ganduje was not a novelty in Nigerian politics. What is new is the too early start of the fall out, the level of mobilisation, the firm consolidation of the two camps and the potential for violence as evidenced by their rhetoric and gambits. A godfather is understandably offended when, after lending his name, time, money, political experience, political network and other resources to anoint a godson, the latter pulls away once he is ensconced in Government House. Many godfathers sulk in private and pray that the godson comes to grief one day. Some take vengeful steps where they can. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is however a different kind of godfather. During his second term as governor he created a movement called Kwankwasiyya designed to ensure that he sits on top of the pile of Kano politics for years to come. The movement adopted a red cap as its symbol and its name was emblazoned at the top of school buildings and hospitals. Its leader then lunged for the presidency and he finished second in the APC primary, beating Atiku Abubakar to third place. Meanwhile he arranged for a stop gap senatorial candidate, who quickly resigned and gave him the ticket to the Senate. Kwankwaso is angry that President Buhari did not accord him a prime place in the federal administration in recognition of his second place finish in the primary. On top of that, Governor Ganduje began to repudiate Kwankwaso’s legacy and question his record in 2011-15 which had been widely touted as stellar. Kwankwasiyya’s top political goal for 2019 is to bring down Ganduje, demolish his movement and install a loyal Kwankwasiyya man in the Government House. By dividing Kano State’s APC down the middle, Kwankwasiyya could be setting the party up for possible defeat in 2019, possibly by another Kwankwaso opponent, former governor and state PDP leader Malam Ibrahim Shekarau. It could even team up with one opponent against another and could be setting the stage for defection to another party. For President Buhari, who is already uncertain whether North Central and South West will remain with him in 2019, dividing up Kano’s huge vote bank is a huge risk indeed. It is his biggest 2019 political risk factor after Tinubu, Third Force and herdsmen/farmers clashes.

Wednesday 24 January 2018

The All Progressive Congress approach


Mature Response compared to what Metuh,Fani Kayode and Doyin Okpe did sequel to 2015 election PRESS STATEMENT BY THE MINISTER OF INFORMATION AND CULTURE, ALHAJI LAI MOHAMMED, ON WEDNESDAY, 24 JAN. 2018 We have read the press statement by former President Olusegun Obasanjo on the State of the Nation. For the record, Chief Obasanjo is a patriot, and he has proven this time and time again. We appreciate what he said concerning the Administration's performance in two out of the three key issues that formed the plank of its campaign: Fighting corruption and tackling insurgency. Specifically, the former President said President Buhari must be given credit for his achievement so far in these two areas. We thank him for this. Apparently, the former President believes that the Administration does not deserve a pass mark in the area of the economy, which is the third of our three-pronged campaign promises. We have no doubt that in the face of massive challenges in this area, this Administration has availed itself creditably. We believe that Chief Obasanjo, because of his very busy schedule, may not have been fully availed of developments in the government's efforts to revamp the economy, which was battered by the consequences of over-dependence on a commodity as well as unprecedented pillaging of the treasury. Today, most of the indices by which an economy is measured are looking up. Permit me to say, however, that Nigeria would not have exited recession through a mere order or if the Administration had not made use of ''good Nigerians'' who could help. This Administration is making steady progress in its determined effort to revamp the economy, and the results are showing: * Foreign Reserves have peaked at $40b, the highest level in about four years, and up from $24 billion just a year ago, even though when we came in, the price of oil had crashed woefully. * According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBC), headline inflation has fallen for 11 consecutive months, standing at 15.37% as at Dec. 2017. This is the lowest inflation rate since Jan 2017, and it has met and surpassed the target set for inflation in the Administration's Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP). * Our determined implementation of the Treasury Single Account (TSA) has stopped the hemorrhaging of the treasury. Some 108 billion Naira has been saved from removal of maintenance fees payable to banks, pre-TSA. The nation is being saved 24.7 billion Naira monthly with the full implementation of the TSA. * The elimination of ghost workers has saved the nation 120 billion Naira * At about 1.8 billion dollars, the capital inflows in the second quarter of 2017 were almost double the $908 million in the first quarter. * In the wake of a stable Naira and increased investment inflows, Nigeria’s stock market emerged one of the best-performing in the world, delivering returns in excess of 40 percent. * Nigeria rose 24 places on the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business ranking, and earned a place on the List of Top 10 Reformers in the world. * According to Q3 2017 figures, agriculture export is up year-on-year by 25%, solid minerals exports are up year-on-year by 78%, raw materials exports are up 70% year-on-year and manufactured goods exports are up 22% year-on-year. * Government agencies such as the Nigeria Customs Service are reporting highest-ever revenue collection, while JAMB, under the new management appointed by President Buhari in 2016, remitted N7.8 billion to the coffers of the federal government. The total amount remitted by JAMB between 2010 and 2016 was a paltry N51 million! These positive indices may not have immediately impacted positively on Nigerians, but Nigerians will definitely get a new lease of life a short while from now. This is because the good news from the agricultural sector, which is recording a bumper harvest, will bring down the cost of foodstuffs, especially such staple as rice, and our massive Social Investment Programme will ease the pain of the most vulnerable in the society. When we assumed office in 2015, some 6 million farmers were involved in rice production. Thanks to the Anchor Borrowers' programme of this Administration, we have grown that number to over 12 million farmers. The result is that our rice import from Thailand alone has dropped from 644 metric tonnes to 22,000 MT in just two years. This is phenomenal. Apart from rice, Nigeria is also doing well in other grains, especially Millet, Sorghum and Maize. We are now the second largest producer of sorghum after the US, the third in millet after India and our breweries are now enjoying local sourcing of those commodities. For maize, we are producing 10 million tons while we need about 13 million tons for both human and animal nutrition. Nigeria leads the world in the yam and cassava production. We account for 70% of the world's yam production. In two years, we hope to be the world's largest exporter of yam! Overall, our ambition is that agriculture should rise from 25% to 40% of GDP, so that we can banish poverty and overcome our economic anxiety. Our Social Investment Programme is Nigeria’s most ambitious social welfare programme ever. Currently, 5.2 million primary school children in 28,249 schools in 19 states are being fed daily; 200,000 unemployed graduates have enlisted into the N-power Job Scheme, and a quarter of a million loans already distributed to artisans, traders, and farmers. Finally, our investment in infrastructure is simply unprecedented. This is because infrastructure is key to faster economic growth and development. Here is a synopsis of what we have done in this area: * Power Generation at an all-time high of 7,000mw and all can be transmitted * RAIL: Lagos-Kano Standard Gauge is on. Lagos-Ibadan sector ready 2019, Kano-Kaduna ready 2019; The entire stretch ready 2021; Negotiations on for Coastal Rail covering 15 cities from Lagos to Calabar. * ROAD: 25 major highways being funded with the N100b Sukuk Bond, and all geo-political zones are benefitting equally This Administration is not unaware of the enormity of the challenges facing the nation, but we are up to the task. We have taken the bull by the horns, and long-suffering Nigerians will begin to experience a new lease of life as our efforts yield fruits. We will not go into a state of funk for whatever reason. On the Herders/Farmers' clashes, this Administration is determined to end the crisis resulting from this once and for all, not minding the fact that the clashes predate us. we urge Nigerians to have faith in the Administration's ability to resolve the crisis, and to watch out for concrete measures in this regard. On whether or not President Muhammadu Buhari should run for another term, it is true that many Nigerians have been calling on the President to run again, while others are opposed to his return. However, we believe this issue is a distraction for the President at this time. This is because Mr. President spends every waking hour tackling the enormous challenges facing the nation, most of which were bequeathed to his Administration by successive past Administrations. He is committed to fulfilling the mandate given to him by Nigerians in 2015. And that's where we are right now! Finally, we have no reason to believe that former President Obasanjo has any motive beyond the well-being of the nation in issuing his Special Press Statement. We have also taken his admonition in good faith, and we thank him most sincerely for taking time off his busy schedule to pen such a long statement. Mature approach rather than calling him names after all, he is a Nigerian.PDP and others must learn.

All progressive congress


APC must learn not to make the mistakes made by the media and campaign team of former president GEJ where instead of telling the masses what he did and what he would do,they resorted to name calling and assignation of his opponent's characters. Same game is about to start fully and I am only discouraging it. As par the letter written by Chief Obasanjo,there are some truth though not total. Buhari by the grace of God survived an attack that would have cost him his life and is now very strong. He is strong yes but in recent time,he seems to have lost touch in leadership. For me he should assist in picking a suitable replacement in the likes of HE Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and other sellable party members while he bows out honourably like Nelson Mandela did. Attacking Obasanjo through the media will be childish and a repetition of what the Goodluck campaign team did,its not healthy.I can tell the world over that the man Buhari whose integrity endeared us to vote for him massively has not changed. He is still not corrupt nor a religious extremist nor a tribal bigot but he is no longer in charge politically.I will always respect your person President Muhammadu Buhari. #Respect #Myleader #Theforunner

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